Sunday, March 27, 2011

No Respect for the People or Process

This illustrates the mindset we good working folks are up against:

Indiana prosecutor told Wisconsin governor to stage ‘false flag’ operation

By Eric W. Dolan
Thursday, March 24th, 2011 -- 7:32 pm
An Indiana prosecutor and Republican activist has resigned after emails show he suggested Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker stage a fake attack on himself to discredit unions protesting his budget repair bill.

The Republican governor signed a bill on March 11 that eliminates most union rights for public employees.

In an email from February 19, Indiana deputy prosecutor Carlos F. Lam told Walker the situation presented "a good opportunity for what’s called a ‘false flag’ operation."

The Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism discovered the email among tens of thousands released to the public last week following a lawsuit by the Isthmus and the Associated Press.

"If you could employ an associate who pretends to be sympathetic to the unions' cause to physically attack you (or even use a firearm against you), you could discredit the unions," Lam said in his email.

"Currently, the media is painting the union protest as a democratic uprising and failing to mention the role of the DNC and umbrella union organizations in the protest," he continued. "Employing a false flag operation would assist in undercutting any support that the media may be creating in favor of the unions."

Lam resigned from his position after the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism published an article about his email.

On February 22, an alternative paper in Buffalo, New York managed to trick Walker into taking a call from their editor posing as tea party tycoon David Koch.

When the editor posing as Koch suggested planting some troublemakers in the protests, Walker responded that "we thought about that," but said it was not necessary "because sooner or later the media stops finding ’em interesting."

"My only fear would be is if there was a ruckus caused is that that would scare the public into thinking maybe the governor has gotta settle to avoid all these problems," he said.

Walker had promised to lay off 1,500 state workers if the bill to curb collective bargaining rights for public employees didn't pass.

In mid-February, 14 Democratic state senators left Wisconsin to stall a vote on the bill. There are 19 Republican senators, but the Senate needs a minimum of 20 members to be present to debate and vote on any bills that spend money.

While the 14 Democratic senators remained in Illinois, Republican state senators removed all references to spending from the bill and passed the proposal to limit public employees' collective bargaining rights.

Wisconsin citizens upset withWalker's attack on public employees' collective bargaining rights have launched a boycott campaign aimed at his campaign contributors.

Friday, March 25, 2011

A Quote for Republican Stinkers In Concord

A quick quote from Ronald Reagan


But restoring the American dream requires more than restoring a sound, productive economy, vitally important as that is.  It requires a return to spiritual and moral values, values so deeply held by those who came here to build a new life.  We need to restore those values in our daily life, in our neighborhoods and in our government’s dealings with the other nations of the world.

These are the values inspiring those brave workers in Poland. The values that have inspired other dissidents under Communist domination.  They remind us that where free unions and collective bargaining are forbidden, freedom is lost.  They remind us that freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction.  You and I must protect and preserve freedom here or it will not be passed on to our children.  Today the workers in Poland are showing a new generation not how high is the price of freedom but how much it is worth that price.

Monday, March 21, 2011

ALEC and New Hampshire

You may ask yourself : "Self, why do this legislators that talk about free choice not feel hypocritical about letting the government reach into our workplaces, interfere with our democratically chosen unions for folks that had a choice to not apply to places that go against their beliefs?  But they wouldn't advocate for say, the minority of folks who find marijuana prohibition objectionable... They'd be the first to cry out if the Federal government messed with New Hampshire's democratic process. But Big Government dictating our working conditions? Just fine.

Ideology trumps hypocrisy for these corporate conservatives, obviously.

Our Granite State is not only being influenced by Koch money. Our legislators are also putting the wants of corporate oriented group ALEC before New Hampshire working folks needs. Conservative right wing ideology turned into state legislation for a mere 50 bucks, well, not including the bit of integrity lost as a hypocrite.

Read on:

If it seems that all of this state-by-state union-stripping legislation is coordinated ... that's because it is coordinated. Also pre-written, gift-wrapped and hand-delivered.

Meet ALEC, the American Legislative Exchange Council, a national right-wing group that writes "model" legislation for its members. Who are its members? Republican state legislators and private organizations (think ExxonMobil).

Because ALEC is very secretive, only members get to know who its members are, what goes on at meetings, and what legislation is being authored and pushed. But sometimes the light shines through, and sometimes they own up.

About the union-busting laws, ALEC owned up. The New York Times, in the (next-to-last) paragraph of this story, fingers ALEC as the anti-union coordinating group (my emphasis throughout):
A group composed of Republican state lawmakers and corporate executives, the American Legislative Exchange Council, is quietly spreading these proposals from state to state, sending e-mails about the latest efforts as well as suggested legislative language.

Michael Hough, director of the council’s commerce task force, said the aim of these measures was not political[.]
NPR has a nice report on ALEC (h/t commenter SCLiberal):
When you walk into the offices of the American Legislative Exchange Council, it's hard to imagine it is the birthplace of a thousand pieces of legislation introduced in statehouses across the county.

Only 28 people work in ALEC's dark, quiet headquarters in Washington, D.C. And Michael Bowman, senior director of policy, explains that the little-known organization's staff is not the ones writing the bills. The real authors are the group's members — a mix of state legislators and some of the biggest corporations in the country.

"Most of the bills are written by outside sources and companies, attorneys, [and legislative] counsels," Bowman says.

Here's how it works: ALEC is a membership organization. State legislators pay $50 a year to belong. Private corporations can join, too. The tobacco company Reynolds American Inc., Exxon Mobil Corp. and drug-maker Pfizer Inc. are among the members. They pay tens of thousands of dollars a year. Tax records show that corporations collectively pay as much as $6 million a year.

With that money, the 28 people in the ALEC offices throw three annual conferences. The companies get to sit around a table and write "model bills" with the state legislators, who then take them home to their states.
The Arizona Send-Browns-to-Prison-for-Profit law (sorry, the "SB-1070 immigration law") is a good example. Thanks to that law, prisons-for-profit companies like Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) stand to make out like, er, banditos.

Guess who helped write that law? CCA. Guess where that law was written? In the dark bowels of ALEC:
The largest prison company in the country, the Corrections Corporation of America, was present when the model immigration legislation was drafted at an ALEC conference last year. ... ALEC's Bowman says that is not unusual; more than 200 of the organization's model bills became actual laws over the past year.
I'll say it again; these guys are playing a whole different game than we are. Thank god for their hybris. I'll have more on ALEC later. Despite their furtiveness, there's info available on them, including this by a Univ. of Wisconsin history professor (h/t a really nice blog called Dictynna's Net). Stay tuned.


Oh, here's the local hook, as a Granite State Worker I thought you'd like to know:

All legislators are cordially invited to attend an American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) information luncheon on March 21 from noon to 1:30 p.m. at Tandys Top Shelf (formerly the Capitol Grille). This event will give you the opportunity to learn more about ALEC as an organization and a legislative resource. Our scheduled guest speaker for this event is Jonathan Williams, Director of ALECs Tax and Fiscal Policy Task Force and co-author of ALECs award winning publication Rich States, Poor States. Jonathan will explain why the economic crisis has been so rough on the states, while identifying what states should do to navigate the current fiscal storm, and also what they should avoid, as well as discuss the benefits of ALEC membership. So that we can appropriately accommodate those attending, please RSPV to Rep. Gary Daniels or Rep. Jordan Ulery by March 18, 2011.
Reps. Gary Daniels and Jordan Ulery

Friday, March 18, 2011

Why employee pensions aren't bankrupting states

Nothing makes people act quickly (or be acted upon without much grousing) like a percieved emergency.

Esssh! A pension emergency!

Need clarity on pensions? Think Wall Street- the value sunk when the markets did.  If they can get their hooks into our pay though 401(k)'s replacing our defined pension plans they'll have our money to play with PLUS money managers making money of 'shepherding' our hard earned pay. So our earning will go down to the tune of their fee's.

Sweet for the elite that own the bulk of stocks:



Just another transfer of wealth from the producers (we working folks)  to the shareholders.

Why employee pensions aren't bankrupting states

Kevin G. Hall | McClatchy Newspapers

last updated: March 07, 2011 07:54:39 PM
WASHINGTON — From state legislatures to Congress to tea party rallies, a vocal backlash is rising against what are perceived as too-generous retirement benefits for state and local government workers. However, that widespread perception doesn't match reality.

A close look at state and local pension plans across the nation, and a comparison of them to those in the private sector, reveals a more complicated story. However, the short answer is that there's simply no evidence that state pensions are the current burden to public finances that their critics claim.

Pension contributions from state and local employers aren't blowing up budgets. They amount to just 2.9 percent of state spending, on average, according to the National Association of State Retirement Administrators. The Center for Retirement Research at Boston College puts the figure a bit higher at 3.8 percent.

Though there's no direct comparison, state and local pension contributions approximate the burden shouldered by private companies. The nonpartisan Employee Benefit Research Institute estimates that retirement funding for private employers amounts to about 3.5 percent of employee compensation.

Nor are state and local government pension funds broke. They're underfunded, in large measure because — like the investments held in 401(k) plans by American private-sector employees — they sunk along with the entire stock market during the Great Recession of 2007-2009. And like 401(k) plans, the investments made by public-sector pension plans are increasingly on firmer footing as the rising tide on Wall Street lifts all boats.
Boston College researchers project that if the assets in state and local pension plans were frozen tomorrow and there was no more growth in investment returns, there'd still be enough money in most state plans to pay benefits for years to come.

"On average, with the assets on hand today, plans are able to pay annual benefits at their current level for another 13 years. This assumes, pessimistically, that plans make no future pension contributions and there is no growth in assets," said Jean-Pierre Aubry, a researcher specializing in state and local pensions for the nonpartisan Center for Retirement Research at Boston College.

In 2006, when the economy was humming before the financial crisis began, the value of assets in state and local pension funds covered promised benefits for a period of just over 19 years.

At the bottom of Aubry's list is Kentucky, which would have enough assets to cover 4.7 years. Other states do much better: North Carolina local government pensions are funded to cover 19 years of promised benefits; Florida's state plan could cover 17 years; and California's plans about 15 years.

"On the whole, the pension system isn't bankrupting every state in the country," Aubry said.


States having the biggest problems with pension obligations tend to be struggling with overall fiscal woes — New Jersey and Illinois in particular. Many states are now wrestling with underfunding because they didn't contribute enough during boom years.

Most state and local employees government across the nation have defined-benefit plans that promise employees either a percentage of their final salary during retirement or some fixed amount. The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates that 91 percent of full-time state and local government workers have access to defined-benefit plans.

Several states_ including Florida, Georgia, Ohio, Colorado and Washington_ have adopted competing defined-contribution plans, or a hybrid plan that provides government employees both a partial defined benefit in retirement and a supplementary defined-contribution plan.

Defined-contribution 401(k) plans divert on a tax-deferred basis a portion of pay, generally partially matched by the employer, into an account that invests in stocks and bonds. In 1980, 84 percent of workers at medium and large companies in the U.S. had a defined-benefit plan like those still predominate in the public sector. By last year, just 30 percent of workers in these larger companies were covered under such plans.


Defenders of the public pension system say anti-government, anti-union elected officials and interest groups have exaggerated the problem to score political points, and that as the economy heals, public pension plans will gain value and prove critics wrong.

"There's a window that's closing as market conditions improve and interest rates rise, the funding of these plans is going to look better than depicted by some," insisted Keith Brainard, the director of research for the National Association of State Retirement Administrators in Georgetown, Texas.


Critics of public sector pensions paint the problem with a broad brush.

"Unionized government workers have tremendous leverage to negotiate their own wages and benefits. They funnel tens of millions of dollars to elect candidates who will sit across from them at the negotiating table," said Thomas Donohue, the chief executive of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, in a Feb. 24 blog post. "This self-dealing has resulted in ever-increasing wage and benefit packages for unionized government workers that often far outstrip those for comparable private-sector workers."

In a Feb. 23 radio interview, Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Calif., called federal stimulus efforts to rescue the economy "essentially a federal bailout of public employee unions." Nunes described money owed to state pensioners as a crisis "about ready to happen."

Except that two out of every three public-sector workers aren't union members.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported in January that 31.1 percent of state public-sector workers were unionized in 2010, compared with 26.8 percent of federal government employees. The highest percentage of unionization, 43.3 percent, was found in local government, where police officers and firefighters work. Teachers can fall into either state systems or local government.


Ironically, in Wisconsin, where Republican Gov. Scott Walker is trying to weaken public-sector unions and reduce pension benefits, he's exempted police and firefighters, who are among the most unionized public employees. And Wisconsin's public-sector pension plan still has enough assets today to cover more than 18 years of benefits.


The most recent Public Fund Survey by the National Association of State Retirement Administrators showed that, on average, state and local pensions were 78.9 percent funded, with about $688 billion in unfunded promises to pensioners. Critics suggest that the real number is at least $1 trillion or higher, using less-optimistic market assumptions.

The unfunded liabilities would be a problem if all state and local retirees went into retirement at once, but they won't. Nor will state governments go out of business and hand underfunded pension plans over to a federal regulator, as happens in the private sector. State and local governments are ongoing enterprises.

The flow of employees into retirement matches up with population trends in states, with Northeastern states with declining populations, particularly Rhode Island, seeing more stress on their pension systems than Southern and Western states, where there's been vibrant population growth.


Another misperception tied to the pension debate is that while the private sector has shed jobs during the economic crisis, state and local government employment has grown — and pensions along with it.
Since September 2008_ when state and local government employees numbered 19,385,000 and the economic crisis turned severe — the governments' payrolls shrunk by 407,000, to 18,978,000 this January,
according to Bureau of Labor Statistics data.

When calculating from December 2007 _ the month that the National Bureau of Economic Research determined was the start of the Great Recession _ state and local government employment has fallen by 703,000 jobs amid a downturn that cost the nation more than 8 million jobs overall.

"The down economy has had an effect, and the loss of employment outside the public sector has created a contrast" said Brainard, of the National Association of State Retirement Administrators.

Also fueling backlash is the perception that state and local workers don't contribute to their own retirement funds the way private sector workers do.

Three states have non-contribution public pension plans _ Florida, Utah and Oregon. About a third of Connecticut state workers don't contribute to their pensions, while most new employees do. Missouri until recently had a non-contribution policy for state workers, as did Michigan until 1997. Michigan workers hired before 1997 still don't pay toward their pensions, and some teachers in Arkansas don't have to contribute toward theirs. Tennessee doesn't require contributions from most workers and employees in the state higher education system.

Those notable exceptions aside, most states require employee contributions. The midpoint for these contributions for all states and the District of Columbia is 5 percent of pay, according to academic and state-level research. That contribution rate climbs to 8 percent for the handful of states whose workers or teachers are prohibited from paying into the federal Social Security program.

By comparison, private-sector workers shoulder a bit more of the burden. 

In its data for 2010, Fidelity Investments, the largest administrator of private-sector 401(k) retirement plans, showed employee contribution rates in its plans averaged 8.2 percent of pre-tax pay.

Separately, the Employee Benefits Research Institution estimates that most private-sector employers match up to 50 percent of employee contributions up to the first 6 percent of salary.

The utility or burden of either type of retirement plan depends on whether the plan is measured by what it delivers to an individual, or by how much it delivers to all workers receiving retirement benefits from their employer.

"It really comes down to what you are attempting to do," said Dallas Salisbury, the president of the nonpartisan Employee Benefit Research Institute.


Viewed through the lens of an employee, defined-benefit plans are more cost-effective at providing a pre-determined level of benefits to an employee. But the shortcoming of these plans is that they reward seniority. For workers with a shorter tenure, they're far less generous in retirement.
This fairness issue is one reason why 401(k) plans have grown steadily in prominence since the mid-1980s. From the payroll perspective of an employer, these defined-contribution plans produce at least some retirement income for the greatest number of employees, and the plans can move with employees who change jobs.

ON THE WEB
BLS data on unionization
Research on pensions, budgets
Projections of pension funding
How long states can fund their pensions
Public Fund Survey Scorecard

 They are trying to pull a fast one.

Thursday, March 17, 2011

Happy Saint Patricks Day!

Happy Saint Patricks to you!

I grew up with a tradition of taking a moment to recollect on this day, to think about those who came before, leaving family and home to cross the sea and start a new life.


I'm a working class guy. Have classic Irish American worker roots.


Solidarity!

Wednesday, March 16, 2011

Koch in New Hampshire

These folks have signed onto the Koch program Americans For Prosperity- Here's a video that will  offer you a bit of flavor concerning these folks:




Explains a bit about them and their anti worker stance. Think shareholder profit via corporate profits. Think corporate control of the election process versus Democracy.

Realize they are beholden to rich folks out of state. Sort of wrecks that whole "Independent New Englander" stance that is cultivated here.



AFP New Hampshire, Anti-Tax Pledge Signers




US Senate
Kelly Ayotte
Jim Bender
Bill Binnie
Ovide Lamontagne


Congress, 1st District
Rich Ashooh
Peter Bearse
Bob Bestani
Frank Guinta
Sean Mahoney
Kevin Rondeau


Congress, 2nd District
Charlie Bass
Bob Guida
Jennifer Horn
Howard Wilson


Executive Council
James Adams
Raymond Burton
Dan St. Hilaire
Peter Spaulding
Christopher Sununu
Dave Wheeler


State Senator
Peter Angerhoffer
Jack Barnes, Jr.
Jeb Bradley
David Boutin
Tom DeBlois
Rebecca C. Fee
Jeanie Forrester
Jim Forsythe
John Gallus
Fenton Groen
George Hurt
Gary Lambert
Jim Luther
Chuck Morse
Russell Prescott
Andy Sanborn
Nancy Stiles
Fran Wendelboe
Raymond White
Chris Wood


State Representative
Harry Accornero
Patrick Abrami
Henry Ahern, Jr.
Donald C. Andolina
Jason Antosz
Kevin A. Avard
Gary S. Azarian
Brett Bacon
Mike Ball
J. Gail Barry
Robert E. Barry
Omer Beaudoin
Joseph W. Bendzinski
Jerry Bergevin
D.J. Bettencourt
Regina Birdsell
Spec Bowers
Bruce R. Breton
Charlie Brosseau
Kevin J. Brown
John Burt
Harriet E. Cady
Alan Cail
Kathleen Cusson-Cail
Andrew Carroll
Anne Cartwright
John Cebrowski
Norma Greer Champagne
Gene Charron
Gene G. Chandler
Cathy Clair
Jean Coffey
Howard Coffman
Seth Cohn
Tim Comerford
Guy Comtois
William Condra
Timothy Copeland
Steve Cunningham
Romeo Danais
Gary Daniels
Duffy Daugherty
Russell C. Day
Cam DeJong
Susan DeLemus
James E. Devine
Shaun Doherty
Steven Doyle
Joe Duarte
Robert Duquette, Jr.
Garret Ean
Pamela Ean
Susan Emerson
Larry Emerton
Duane Erickson
Bob Fesh
Joseph Fleck
Elliot Finn
Robert Fredette
David N. Fullerton
Larry Gagne
Gary A. Gahan
Laura Gandia
Marilinda Garcia
Edmond Gionet
Robert Greemore
Mary E. Griffin
Joseph Hagan
Bob Haefner
Peter T. Hansen
Ken Hawkins
James F. Headd
John Hikel
Dick Hinch
JR Hoell
Dee Hogan
Frank Holden
Robert Hull
Win Hutchinson
Robert E. Introne, Jr.
Daniel Itse
Kyle Jones
Laura Jones
John A. Kalb
L. Mike Kapler
Phyllis M. Katsakiores
Karen Keegan-Hutchinson
Walter Kolodziej
Dave Knox
Joseph F. Krasucki
Kenneth Kreis, Sr.
Edita Kucmas
Peter Kucmas
Neal M. Kurk
Gary Lambert
Chester Lapointe
Mark G. Larochelle
Kirsten Larsen
Kathy Lauer-Rago
D. L. LeBrun
Roland LeFebvre
Vivian L’Heureux
Mark Lindsley
Marie Lozito
Linda Luhtala
Robert Luther
Hardy Macia
Leigh Macneil
Andrew J. Manuse
Dick Marple
Cory R. Mattocks
Donna Mauro
Harry McClard
Donald McClarren
John McDonnell
Carrie McGee
Carol McGuire
Dan McGuire
Charles McMahon
Robert Mead
Harry C. Merrow
Charlie Moore
Brian Murphy
Richard Nalvanko
Cliff Newton
Jeanine M. Notter
William O’Brien
Bill O’Connor
Jeffrey Oligny
Richard Olson, Jr.
Barry Palmer
Stephen Palmer
Jim Parison
Robbie Parsons
Betsey Patten
Michele Peckham
Laurie Pettengill
Leo P. Pepino
Paul Pinette
Sue Polidura
Russell T. Ober III
Katherine Prudhomme-O’Brien
Dave Randlett
Dennis Reed
Kevin E. Reichard
Skip Reilly, Sr.
Frederick C. Rice
David Robbins
Beverly T. Rodeschin
Milton Russell
Mark J. Samsel
Laurie Sanborn
Marie N. Sapienza
Troy Saunders
Steve Schmidt
Victoria Schwaegler
Brian Seaworth
Bill Sharp
Roy Shoults
Thomas Simmons
Molly Smith
Steven Smith
William Smith
Tony F. Soltani
Gregory Sorg
Connie Soucy
Kathleen Souza
Charles Sova
Scott Spaulding
David J. Starr
Philllip Straight
Dathleen Stroud
Greg Surbey
Elaine Swinford
Daniel Tamburello
Robert Tarr
Kyle Tasker
Jack Thorsen
Franklin Tilton
Bill Tobin
Amos R. Townsend
Norman Tregenza
Timothy Twombly
Linda Uluhtala
Karen Umberger
Steve Vaillancourt
Moe Villeneuve
Carol Vita
Lou Vita
Jim Waddell
Mark Warden
Colette Worsman
James C. Webb
Charles F. Weed*
David Welch
Gary Wheaton
Randall Whitehead
Steve Winter